Saturday, 14 November 2020

BAME Lawyers 4 Justice Response to Parliaments Joint Committee on Human Rights Report Black people, Racism and Human Rights.

 

                                                            Sunday 15th November 2020
                                                                                              
We welcome the Black People, Racism and Human Rights report published on the 11th November 2020 by Parliament’s Joint Committee on Human Rights

 

The Committee polled Black people in the UK to assess their views on the issues highlighted by the Black Lives Matter movement. The report focuses on four areas; health, criminal justice, nationality and immigration and democracy.

 

General comments. 

 

The report makes several damning findings and critical recommendations, all of which we consider to be important in seeking to restore trust and confidence of the Black communities in the rule of law. Access to equality and equal rights is fundamental for all citizens.  The fact that a large proportion of our society continues to live with racism and discrimination and be treated as unequal citizens is no longer a tolerable situation. 

 

The report points to fundamental breaches of the social contract between citizen and State which is essential for any multicultural functioning democracy. Severe violations of Black people's human rights cited in this report provide a vivid illustration of the extent to which Black British people’s human rights are disregarded and abused. These human rights abuses take place despite the Government being aware of these serious issues as evidenced by 

legal commentary, academic reports and government inquiries, all of which demonstrate increased rates of racial inequality, injustice and oppression.

 

Whilst the report is welcome, we do not feel it goes far enough in its recommendations. 

 

For example, the Committee fails to recommend to the government that it should sign up to the general prohibition of discrimination outlined in Protocol 12, Article 1 the European Convention of Human Rights. (ECHR). Doing so would provide a strong indication of the Government's commitment to tackling the systemic and institutionalised racial discrimination. Signing this important protocol would also strengthen domestic race equality and human rights legislation thereby improving the trust and confidence of  Black communities.

 

The report also fails to reference this Government's failure to acknowledge or institute a programme celebrating and contributing towards the UN's International Decade for People of African descent, (2014 -2024)

 

Citizenship, human rights and the rule of law.

 

Fundamental to a sense of shared citizenship is a confidence in the equal application of the rule of law. This report highlights the reality that the majority of Black people do not believe that they are equally valued as citizens of the United Kingdom, nor do they think that they are treated equally before the law. This is informed by strong evidence from legal practice and academic research and validates the belief that Britain remains a deeply racist society where the colour of one's skin is more important than commitment to one's country.

 

The generally accepted principle and basis of the social contract between Government and the British Black community has been breached by a failure of the Government to acknowledge and take action to address systemic institutional racism. The consequences of these failures are profound and erode the very basis of the idea that Britain is a modern, multicultural, meritocratic and inclusive democracy.

 

There is a fragile balance between democracy, protection and obedience to the State. Failure to tackle racism presents an existential threat to our civil condition. The State can no longer credibly demand Black communities' obedience to the law whilst only offering partial protection against the degrading effects of institutionalised racism, injustice and racial disadvantage.

 

As a result, the State not only loses its authority, representative democracy ceases to have credibility in the eyes of those who are denied access to justice and equality.

 

The report's finding that over 75% of black people in the UK do not believe that human rights are equally protected is a chilling statistic that bears witness to the reality that black people in the United Kingdom are third-class citizens living within a supposedly "first-class democracy".

 

We concur with the Committee's analysis on this issue and subsequent recommendation "This is a damning indictment of our society and must be addressed as a matter of the highest political priority. To this end, the Equality and Human Rights Commission must undertake to run an annual opinion survey…" 

 

We welcome the Committee's undertaking to ensure that they hear from a diverse range of witnesses in their deliberations. Black Asian and Minority Ethnic Lawyers 4 Justice will assist the Committee by helping to facilitate input and evidence from a broad delegation from British Black communities.

 

We further agree that the Equality and Human Rights Commission has failed to provide adequate leadership or be effective or gain the trust of British Black communities in both tackling racial inequality and protecting black people's human rights. The recent appointment of Prof David Goodheart as an EHRC Commissioner a man whose on record of denying the existence and reality of institutional racism is a serious and deliberate provocation by Government and will simply further damage Black public confidence in the institution. 

 

The Committee's recommendation that a new Commission of Racial Equality (CRE) and the creation of local Race Equality councils should be established enjoys our support. All available evidence demonstrates that the racial inequality gap has widened since the demise of the CRE. The morphing of the CRE into the EHRC has failed.

 

We also urge the Committee to recommend that Parliamentary select committees conduct race equality impact assessments in all aspects of their work, and in particular, where known racial and ethnic disparities and injustices exist.

 

The Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities mentioned in the report and chaired by Dr Tony Sewell (someone else who is also on public record as having challenged the very idea of institutionalised racism) and set up by Prime Minister Boris Johnson in response to the Black Lives Matter protests, lacks credibility. We anticipate its findings will not, given the views of its chairman, enjoy the confidence of Britain's black communities and are unlikely to make any strategically relevant or meaningful findings.

 

We support the idea of the need for a comprehensive cross-Government race equality strategy to improve the collection of data on racial equality but any cross-Government initiatives must include representation from affected communities of different perspectives.

 

Health.

 

One of the most significant areas of fundamental human rights breaches occurs in health. The Committee’s notes that "78% of black women and 47% of black men do not believe that their health is equally protected by the NHS when compared to white people".

 

Death in childbirth provides a profound and tragic indicator of the realities of the cumulative effects of systemic and institutionalised racism on black communities.

 

The Committee finds that seven in 100,000 white women, 13 in 100,000 Asian women, 23 in 100,000 mixed ethnicity women and 38 in 100,000 black women die in childbirth. The fact that there remains no significant government action regarding this issue is an appalling indictment. What it tells British black communities is that the Government views black women's lives as of no significant value.  Had white women died in similar numbers, this would be a national scandal.

 

The Committee’s recommendation that the NHS must set a target to end the maternal mortality gap is of critical importance and work must begin on this immediately.

 

We believe that the number of unnecessary deaths of black infants' is an issue that was deserving of recognition in this report. Black Caribbean and Black African infant mortality are recorded as 6.6 and 6.3 deaths per 1000 live births. These are the second and third highest ethnic minority into mortality rates behind that of Pakistani babies that die at a rate of 6.7 per hundred live the births. In contrast, white British babies have an infant mortality rate of 3.3 deaths per 1000 live births.

 

There can be no greater condemnation of any society that the ethnicity of its children should determine their life expectancy at the point of birth.

 

The Committee quotes Public Health England statistics which show the disproportionate and severe impact of Covid19 on Black communities stating that "after accounting for the effect of sex, age, deprivation and region, black people of Caribbean and other black ethnicities had between 10 and 50% higher risk of death when compared to white British people."

 

That Government and the National Health Service appear to have no substantive response to the increased vulnerability of Black communities to Covid-19 is further evidence of the extent of neglect.

 

That the Government has recently announced that any new vaccine will be applied to a list of priority groups that does not include vulnerable BAME communities must be revisited immediately based on the evidence.

 

Criminal justice.

 

The continued criminalisation of the British Black community through the process of racial profiling in policing and immigration and the effects of systemic, institutionalised racism have dramatically increased in the last 20 years. The Committee's report states of all the " issues covered in this polling this... [was the one area] where there was the greatest consensus...’. 

 

85% of Black people not being confident that they would be treated the same as a white person by the police."

 

This was particularly true for young Black people between 10 and 17 years old who only make up 4 per cent of the population but make up 33% of children remanded in youth custody. The Committee states "the number of children in youth custody from a Black background has increased 6% in the last year, and now accounts for 28% of the youth custody population".

 

The Lammy Review commissioned by David Cameron's Government in 2016 to look into racism within the criminal justice system identified profound ethnic disparities in criminal justice administration, processing and sentencing. The review made 35 key recommendations of which only six, according to the report's author David Lammy MP, have been implemented.

 

There is a profound crisis of confidence between British Black communities and police services in England and Wales. Public confidence surveys conducted by regional Police services including the Metropolitan Police Service have shown a catastrophic drop in the level of public confidence in policing. It is this area that we believe will act as a catalyst for wider civil disturbance if radical action is not taken to begin to address growing tensions between Black communities and the police.

 

Key to this, in addition to implementing the Lammy Review's recommendations, is addressing critical issues such as stop and search and the disproportionate number of black deaths in police, prison and immigration service custody. We agree with the Committee's recommendations to governments to establish an Article "right to life" Commissioner and Human Rights compliance unit to ensure investigative support to the victims' families and also ensure that critical recommendations for action are implemented to prevent future unnecessary deaths.

 

The recommendations from the Lammy Review and the Angiolini Review must be acted upon with urgency. We welcome the recent ruling by the Supreme Court that has determined that Inquest juries’ inquiries into sudden deaths, in seeking to determine where 

responsibility lies, should not now rely on the legal principle of ‘beyond reasonable doubt but should instead rely on ‘the balance of probabilities.”

Nationality and immigration.

 

We believe a culture of racism is implicit in British immigration policy and practice. The Windrush scandal provides a powerful spotlight on the serial injustice faced by many Black British citizens in seeking to access their citizenship rights. But people were unlawfully detained and deported because of the Government's "hostile environment" in direct breach of their right to liberty contained in article 5 of the ECHR.

 

There can be no more egregious example of the extent to which Black people are subject to racial injustice. Wendy Williams, Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary Windrush Lessons Learned Review  into the scandal published in March 2020, found that "failings demonstrate an institutional ignorance and thoughtlessness towards the issue of race and the history of the Windrush  generation within the Department, which are consistent with some elements of the definition of institutionalised racism." We believe that the failings identified are entirely consistent with the definition of institutionalised racism and can be categorised as such beyond all reasonable doubt.  Williams found that the effects of the Windrush scandal was to inflict serious harm on its victims.

 

We agree with Windrush victims who wrote to the Guardian on 14 October stating that the Home Office’s improvement plan published on 30 September 2020 is "long on regrets but short on specifics of how and when appropriate changes will be made."

 

The Government's compensation scheme is failing the victims and is in total disarray, adding serious insult to grievous injury. Government’s decision to set the threshold of evidential requirements for eligibility for compensation as "beyond a reasonable doubt" is an insurmountable obstacle for the majority of Windrush victims in claiming compensation. This willful and malicious action by British Government provides powerful insight into the extent to which British Black communities are now treated with utter contempt by our Government.

 

We believe the Government should be subject to a motion of censure in both the Houses of Parliament and the House of Lords condemning its failure to deliver on its promises to ensure that justice was delivered to all Windrush victims. 

 

To restore trust and confidence within Black communities that this process is authentic and meaningful, we believe that the Government should provide a sum of £200 million to be given to an independent body. That body could then adjudicate and administer the process of compensation and reparation to Windrush victims and end the ongoing scandal that has seen victims sadly die whilst waiting for justice.

 

We are also concerned that polices and legislation governing deportation, family reunion, asylum and the fees structure for applying for immigration status documentation, need to be reviewed as a matter of urgency as these disproportionately affect and impact on the lives of the UK’s Black and ethnic minority population in an adverse way. 

 

 Conclusion.

 

Without immediate and substantive action to address the growth in racial inequality as a consequence of systemic, institutionalised racism and in the absence of Government, action to fundamentally address human rights abuses experienced by Black British people, we believe there could be increased racial divisiveness, a breakdown in respect for and adherence for the law and government institutions. 

 

The consequences of allowing Black British communities to continue to suffer such egregious abuses of our human rights will be civil disorder in our major inner cities and a breakdown in law and order. It is incumbent upon Government to recognise the realities of systemic institutionalised racism as it manifests itself in the fundamental abuses of the human rights of British Black communities, and to take urgent action now to avoid, what would be a national catastrophe. 

 

We will be contacting the Joint Committee to facilitate a delegation presentation from a broad range of national Black organisation and expert individuals that can assist in contributing to this important debate in an effort to support the work of the Committee and further highlight these issues. 

 

End.

 

 

 

 

 

 


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Friday, 30 October 2020

Lonely statues a metaphor for Brixton gentrification. I'm drawn to these statues. I feel a sense of their marginalisation.
The first public black statues commissioned in the United Kingdom left largely unloved and unrecognised, isolated, forgotten, while all around the sights and sounds of diverse and dynamic Brixton are relentlessly eradicated under the crushing heel of an unregulated free-market economy that prioritises profit over people.
Maybe they should be moved, liberated in fact, and taken to a more loving environment like Windrush Square.
But for now, here they stand in resolute silence in the dead of night, and in the bright early morning reminding us of the changing realities of our beloved Brixton. #BrixtonStatues #BlackHistoryMonth2020


Tuesday, 6 October 2020

Institutional racism in Policing: Metropolitan Police Commissioner, Cressida Dick hides behind an unremitting wall of institutional racism and routine denial.


 

There is a saying in British black communities that all serious accusations of systemic institutional racism are a bit like eternal truths; they both tend to start their lives as heretical blasphemies. Always denied and when eventually accepted it's with begrudging reluctance.  

 

In Britain, there appears to be no exception to this general rule with no historical precedent of serious accusations of racism eliciting immediate acceptance and apology. Only the crudest examples of offensive racism, usually involving the use of racist language, prompts quick apology and regret. All major accusations of systemic and institutional racism are routinely denied. 


And even where 'progress' is achieved Britains cultural default setting, institutional racism, is so deeply engrained into the countries cultural DNA that racism, once the political pressure is relaxed almost always snaps back to its original setting. 


Of course, some progress has been made over the last 50 years. It would be churlish to suggest otherwise but in the words of the legendary reggae, compose/producer Lee Perry on his iconic tune "Down Ina Babylon" it's almost one step forward two steps backwards. 


Accusations of racism are almost always denied. For black communities here in the UK, the word denial denotes don't even notice I am lying. Where policing is concerned denial is often the preface to the justification of injustice.

 

Having challenged institutional police racism for the last 35 years, and as one of the foremost black experts on police-community relations and a former Policing Director for London, I am going to make a confident prediction. Alas, much like an oracle, my predictive track record on these issues, is sadly hundred per cent solid being one of the many who correctly predicted the disturbances of 1981, 1986, 1996 and 2011.  

 

My prediction is that we are heading for a significant series of civil disturbances as a result of the deteriorating relationship between the Metropolitan Police Service and London's African and Caribbean communities. It is only as a consequence of this summers Covid-19 lockdown that we've narrowly averted such a conflict taking place. For many public commentators and ethical black community leaders, people such as former senior black officer Leroy Logan (founder member of the Metropolitan Black Police Officers Association), things that they are as bad today as they were in the early 1980s.

 

They say that history comes round in 30 to 40-year cycles and next year sees the 40th anniversary of the 1981 Brixton uprisings that sparked massive confrontations with the police throughout the country. 


Back then despite repeated warnings by community campaigners warning of the likelihood of community police conflict, the Commissioners and government of the day chose to stick their heads in the sand. Their response was to deny the police were racist or the was a crisis of black confidence in policing. Sound familiar? 

 

Activists of the day, people like Frank Crichlow and Darcus Howe of the Mangrove Community Association, Kaoumba Balagoun of St Pauls, Bristol, Alex Bennet of Merseyside Race Equality Council and Dorothy Kukuya, Linda Bellos the first black women leaders of a Council (Lambeth) and the young, radical campaigning lawyer of the day Paul Boateng, all consistently warned of trouble on the streets as a result of increasing police racism. All were routinely ignored. 

 

Precisely the same thing happened again in 1986, and in the early 90s, it was only the hope offered by Stephen Lawrence public inquiry that prevented a re-occurrence. Nevertheless, disturbances erupted in 1996 in Brixton and again in 2011 in Tottenham. On both occasions, senior police officers and Home Secretaries denied there was a problem. Community activists warnings were routinely ignored at an extraordinarily high cost to the country and black communities.

 

Today the Prime Minister, Boris Johnson, Home Secretary Prit Patel, and Metropolitan Police Commissioner Cressida Dick are united in the continuance of this political tradition, the consistent rejection and denial of accusations of institutional police racism.

 

In the aftermath of the tragic death of George Floyd, we have seen and public institutions businesses around the world, reflecting on the nature of their commitment to race equality, embarking on a process of having a dialogue with black and ethnic minority employees and communities on issues of fairness, justice, diversity and anti-racist practice. 

 

The global concern about the issue of police racism, violence and accountability have been central to these ongoing conversations, discussions that have echoed around the world everywhere except in England and Wales. 

 

Even though public confidence in policing of the African and Caribbean community is at an all-time low, the leading police officer in the country Commissioner Cressida Dick, like her counterparts of old, refuses to acknowledge the Mets culture of institutionalised racism. It's this pernicious culture that is the driving force behind the persistent and increasing rates of racial disproportionality in almost all aspects of operational policing in London.

 

Given the wall-to-wall research and statistics that demonstrate the industrial scale of police racism towards black people, the question is, why would she choose to continue to deny this overwhelming and compelling objective reality?

 

It is my view that the police officer "canteen culture" is deeply hostile to the concept of institutionalised racism. The 20-year long backlash against the publication and findings of the Stephen Lawrence report that deemed the police to be institutionalised racist runs deep in the cultural and political DNA of the Met Commissioner Dick cannot contemplate accepting this reality without facing a virtual revolt among the reactionary ranks.

 

The evidence of such resistance can be discerned not only by the figures demonstrating massive racial disproportionality in operational areas such as stop and search: use of police force on black people; racial differences in the rates of cautioning and charging for drug offences; the refusal of bail for black suspects, the failure to sufficiently recruit African and Caribbean officers; and the overrepresentation of serving black officers in police disciplinaries and investigations, it is also evident in the attitudes of police officers as revealed in an alarming new survey conducted by You Gov. 

 

Published in June of this year with very little media coverage, this critical survey revealed the dark attitudinal underbelly of the persistent culture of racism that persists within the Metropolitan Police.

 

The survey asked officers if they believed stereotypes about other groups of people to be true. An astonishing 41% agreed with the statement compared to just 24% of the general public. More worryingly over half of the officers surveyed (55% ) agreed with the suggestion that human rights laws have been bad for British justice. About race equality in the workplace, 65% expressed opposition to any form of positive discrimination in attempts to level up the lack of representation of black people within British companies and institutions.

 

These overwhelmingly racially hostile attitudes provide a unique insight into the prevailing culture within the Met, and that makes this Commissioner a prisoner of her workforce.

 

This, in part, explains why the Met has seen a resurgence in such prejudicial hostile attitudes among serving police officers. What we are witnessing today in this survey is the result of the Mets historical and contemporary hostility towards the Stephen Lawrence report and their retreat from the majority of its recommendations in most notably in the areas policy and performance scrutiny and diversity focus in police cadet training.

 

I recently submitted a Freedom of Information request to the Met asking them to provide me with "...the total number of mandatory, probationary constable training hours solely dedicated to ethnic diversity…". The answer I received from the Met's Information Rights Units reveals the brutal extent of that retreat. 

 

The fact is, in one of the most diverse cities on the face of the planet, there are no specific lessons for police cadets dedicated focused solely on ethnic diversity training or the critical lessons learned from the Stephen Lawrence, none.

 

Whilst there is training for unconscious bias, it lasts precisely two hours. There is a broader one-day training input on the more general question of "diversity" covering the entirety of the equality strands.

 

Finally, there are some online voluntary training packages. Nothing on anti-racist policing practice or the rich and diverse history of Amylticulatutal London. Nothing on the fraught history of the Met and London's multicultural communities. This explains why institutional racism is so resurgent in the Met. Refusal to listen to communities, retreat from the recommendations of the Stephen Lawrence report, failure to mainstream anti-racist practice in one of the greatest multicultural cities in the world. policy and 

 

For a city like London, this is woefully inadequate. 

 

Police denial of institutionalised racism places a lid on the relational and emotional pressure cooker that constitutes relations between African and Caribbean heritage communities and police services. The longer we leave it on, the more pressure we build up. That pressure is becoming intolerable and will, at some point, explode onto our streets with devastating consequences. Denial of the problem is the lid. 


That's why so little focus is given to this issue in police training, it's simply not considered that important by the Commissioner. This is a fatal and critical failure of leadership. 

 

Charles Tremper of the Nonprofit Risk Management Center, Washington, DC, warning of the dangers of denial wrote, "Denial is a common tactic that substitutes deliberate ignorance for thoughtful planning."     

 

The problem for this Commissioner is the routine denial of truth does not invalidate its objective reality. The worst lies are the ones we tell ourselves. 

 

This Commissioner has made the fatal political calculation that it's better to offer friendly denial than accept the realities of institutionalised racism.

 

She knows, as the survey suggests, that all demands for compliance to anti-racist policing practice will elicit a hostile response from the rank and file. Policing is the only area of command and control employment where such huge power is located in the lowest subordinate rank. 

 

We're in for a hellish time. It was the 17th century English writer John Bunyan who said, "The road of denial leads to the precipice of destruction." This statement is as true today as the day it was written. Having failed to learn from the past, we are about to repeat tragic history

 

You heard it here first, second and third. 

Sunday, 6 September 2020

Met Police, Commissioner Dick. Why she’s got to go.

Lee Jasper Former Deputy Mayor of London writes

 

As a community activist focused on discriminatory policing for 32 years and Policing Director for London for eight years, I was instrumental in delivering some of the highest rates of black community public confidence in Met policing ever recorded. 


 

The way this was achieved was as a result of a clear focus on institutionalised racism within the Met. The then-Mayor Ken Livingstone ensured that I was given the power to hold the Met to account with the objective of driving down racism and increasing diversity. We managed to do both.

 

By accepting the force was institutionally racist and taking measures to tackle disproportionate impact, we saw radical innovation and improvement in black community and police relations. 

 

For example, we provided financial support for legal actions for victims of police deaths in custody. Through Mayoral nominations, we created the most diverse Metropolitan Police Authority in British history.  Through positive action, we improved black and ethnic minority recruitment of police officers by 100% in three years. 

 

And in relation to the growing level of violence within Africa and Caribbean communities I helped lead and establish the Trident Independent Advisory Group, some two years prior to entering the Mayor's office, this produced the most successful police/community partnership in the Mets history. Trident was back then, a gold standard initiative, that was subsequently thoroughly corrupted by Boris Johnson after his election as London Mayor in 2008. 

 

In short, I know how to improve relations between police and black communities, and it starts with tacit acceptance by those in power of the realities of institutionalised racism in policing. No sustainable progress can be made without this being accepted by the Commissioner and politicians as the fundamental starting point.

 

People like me, Stafford Scott and others have consistently warned the authorities of the dangers of unrestrained police racism. It is my belief that relations are so bad today that the prospect of civil disturbances has only been reduced as a consequence of the Covid 19 lockdown. And even then, the aggressive policing of block parties has seen relations deteriorate even further.

 

In the post-black lives matter environment public officials who do not accept the reality of institutionalised racism must surely be considered unfit for public office. Given the response of the private and public sector who are all engaged in re-examining their fundamental approach to diversity and antiracism, anyone who denies the existence of the reality of systemic racism, can and should expect to be vigorously challenged. 

 

What is true of the private sector is doubly true in the policing and criminal justice sector aa the Lammy Report demonstrated. That's why it's so bizarre that Metropolitan Police Commissioner Cressida Dick has simply refused point-blank to re-examine their relationship with black communities in the aftermath of the death of George Floyd and the subsequent rise of the black lives matter movement. 

 

In a response that could come straight from the President Trump playbook, the Commissioner has dialled up the disproportionate targeting of African and Caribbean Londoners and dialled down any idea that racial targeting of black people is in any way racist. 

 

Harking back to the days of 1990s when Commissioner Sir Paul Condon launched his infamous Operation Eagle Eye who sought to justify this racially targeted policing initiative as a response to increased levels of street robbery, Commissioner Dick now seeks to justify the current culture of racial profiling as an appropriate policing response to rising levels of violence in our communities.

 

These weak justifications (stop and search has proven entirely ineffective in reducing violent crime) obscure the historical reality of the ever-growing disproportionate use of policing powers that have taken place with relentless consistency over the last decade. To be fair we did see a brief interregnum whilst Teresa May as Prime Minister but police racism has, like a resurgent virus, returned with a vengeance under Boris Johnson.

 

And make no mistake ‘aggressive policing, free from the shackles of political correctness’, is this Prime Minister's preferred policing style. Any analysis of his time as London Mayor will leave you in no doubt about his commitment to ramping up the discriminatory use of stop and search. 

 

Between 2008 and 2012 Boris Johnson increased up and search in London by 300% with disastrous consequences for relations between Africa and Caribbean communities and the Metropolitan police. It was this type of policing that was primarily responsible for the national outbreak of civil disturbances in 2011 in the aftermath of the shooting of Mark Duggan in Tottenham North London. Young people speaking to the Guardian newspaper in the aftermath of these disturbances cited the “humiliation of stop and searches as a key factor in anger towards the police.”

 

Cressida Dick, when a senior commander in the Met, was also the chief architect, advocate and sponsor of the discredited and illegal use of Joint Enterprise and the Gang Matrix. 

  

In addition, the disproportionate use of Section 60 powers, sanctioned by her, is increasingly seen within black communities as the reincarnation of the dreaded SUS law allowing for blatant policing prejudice to be justified and represents nothing less than a codification of racism into British law.  

 

Our watershed moment on race and policing was, of course, the brutal and racist murder of Stephen Lawrence, and the subsequent failure of the Metropolitan police to investigate and bring the murderers to justice. Infected by the virus of institutionalised racism as defined by Lord MacPherson, the Metropolitan police could not see past their own prejudice. 


London's black communities were dehumanised and subject to the most discriminatory, hostile and aggressive policing as a result. 

 

21 years since the publication of the seminal MacPherson report there are those, like Commissioner Dick who believe Britain is "different country" and that the police have 'moved on" having transformed themselves. On Channel 4 News recently, she made it clear she doesn't believe the Met are an "institutionally racist organisation." 

 

Clearly, the Commissioner has changed her view because in 2003 she stated the Met would always be an institutionally racist organisation as reported in the Guardian below.

 

                 


She is, of course, wrong, and that is a serious, I would say, a catastrophic error of judgement. 


A recent national poll for ITV conducted by YouGov published in August this year reported that 39%, a majority of Londoners believed the Met to be an institutionally racist organisation, with 34% disagreeing and 27% stating they did not know or were not sure

 

As for Black, Asian and ethnic minority Londoners, (BAME) according to the London Mayor's office last year (2018/19) saw the largest reductions in the number of BAME people expressing confidence that their local police were "doing a good job”


Black Londoners recorded a 7% drop compared to the same period in 2018, whilst mixed ethnicity recorded an 8% reduction. Only 51% of black Londoners thought their local Met police were doing “a good job” and only 50% of mixed ethnicity Londoners. 

 

And this is a consistent and deeply worrying trend. 


According to figures published by the Mayor’s Office of Policing and Crime (MOPAC) 2016/17, the Met saw a 10.9% confidence drop among Black Londoners in quarter 4 of that year. [1]

 

              


The Commissioner has presided over a force that has seen London's African and Caribbean descent communities suffer a precipitous decline in public confidence, as a result of increased perception of police, racism, violence and aggression. 

 

And all as result of racial profiling through stop and search; the massive abuse of Section 60 stops, a power that is now regarded as the new SUS laws, (no reasonable suspicion needed); the imposition of that power on the entire Notting Hill Carnival area in 2019; the routine use of handcuffs and the disproportionate use of force, and deaths in police custody; the disproportionate charging of black people for crimes for which white people receive a caution; and the deeply controversial Met’s Gang Matrix [2]  the disproportionate use of emergency Covid 19 powers targeting London’s black communities at a time when there were few if any people on the streets; and it’s becomes crystal clear that institutional racism in the Met, much like racism in wider society has returned with a vengeance. 


The catastrophic confidence figures, combined with the compelling and indisputable evidence of disproportionality in operational policing, confirms the strongly held perception in Londons Black communities that the Met is a ‘hostile force’ 

 

This is in my view proves beyond reasonable doubt that the Mets relationship with Black Londoners, under the stewardship of both Commissioner Cressida Dick and London Mayor Sadiq Khan has declined to an unprecedented and new historic low.  


What these figures tell us is that from 2016 to 2020 we have seen the largest year on year declines in Black communities’ public confidence in the Met ever witnesses since records began. 

 

Add to this the experiences of Africa and Caribbean Officers who since 2016 are disproportionately leaving the force within two years of joining, who face disproportionate disciplinary investigations and suspensions and rarely get promoted and you can see how far diversity and race equality has regressed under this Commissioner. 

 

Britain is heading for increasing racial hostility, violence and discord. History teaches us that when the economy declines, racism inevitably rises and we are about to experience the worst recession in living memory. Black unemployment in London is the highest its ever been and in this Covid 19 recession is likely to rise to even higher. That is a disastrous scenario for a community already mired in the grip of long term poverty and disadvantage. 


If one adds to the mix the disgusting treatment of the Windrush generation and rising hate crime,    racism in the workplace, the precariousness and anxiety black people now feel is tangible. Nobody feels safe.


We are witnessing the return of racism we thought long gone. Fundamental to our sense of citizenship, belonging and security is the extent to which we feel we are treated equally and accorded the same respect as all other citizens. That confidence is eroding every day.

 

There's a familiar tale of civil discord, distrust and strife between African and Caribbean descent communities and police services in the United Kingdom.

 

In order to avoid the inevitable civil uprising that will result in response to the present down pressure, it's important that Londoners actively challenge both the Mayor and his Commissioner in order to prevent major civil disorder which will cost the capital and the country millions, resulting in unnecessary injury and destruction. It can be avoided. 


Those of us who warn of such calamity are routinely ignored but we are the canaries in the coal mine, we will have a sharp sense of our communities and are best placed to ring the alarm. Often politically marginalised, at great cost to the nation, we radically challenge racism and the fact is in a racist Britain, most people don't like to hear the truth. Sadly is we are often proven right by the passage of time. In January 2011 after the death in police custody of Smiley Culture, I warned the black community was 'at boiling point'. Nobody listened then and nobody is listening now. 

 

                                     

 

That's why it's incredibly important for good people to support the planned demonstration calling for the removal of Commissioner Cressida Dick in an effort to begin rebuilding shattered relations and avert the forthcoming disaster we can all see looming on the horizon. 


We can act now in order to save ourselves later on, and if this Commissioner cannot or will not rise to the challenge of policing a world city, with its complex diversity, then she is not fit for public office. In 2008  Boris Johnson sacked the then Commissioner Sir Ian Blair. Mayor Sadiq Khan must now sack Commissioner Cressida Dick and prioritise tackling institutionalised racism within the Met as his key the political priority.  


We intend to make this an issue right up until the next Mayoral elections, a wise politician would act now to make sure that they're on the right side of history.


We need a Commissioner capable of taking this issue forward not one whose irrevocably stuck in the past.

 

Join us outside Scotland Yard on Saturday, 12 September from 1 PM as we seek to save our city and dial back the institutionalised racism of the Metropolitan police service that so blights the lives of so many in our city.


[1] A Better Police Service For London MOPAC London Surveys, Annual Results Q4 16-17

[2] Met takes 1000 names off gangs list after racism claims. Times Newspaper, April 2020 










Saturday, 29 August 2020

A Requiem For A King: #RIPChadwickBoseman


May the ancestors greet him with a chorus of 10,000 drummers. The light that he brought to the world, wasn't his apparent fame and undoubted success, this was a soul force that illuminated the world with his empathy, wisdom, compassion and understanding.
Riches and fame are as of nothing without, the love and one's family, good health and longevity. This brother would have been a shining light even if he were the poorest man in the world.
It is your health, not your wealth that is your real blessing, and our mission is not to blindly amass the trinkets and baubles of a godforsaken consumerist world but to seek wisdom and understanding, to be authentic, to love and be loved for who we are.
Our shining black Prince has now gone, we mourn his loss and we celebrate his life. This is no rich successful actor, our brother was so much more than that, he transcended beyond all that the material world could offer, and in his authentic compassionate beautiful African self, was an illumination to the entire world.
May he now rise in power. Our hearts are sad but our lives have been immeasurably enriched by his beautiful presence.
Goodbye, sweet prince...



Important survey on the effects of lockdown on African and Caribbean childrens educational development.

Dear All
This is an important survey from
Patricia Lamour
and
Viv Ahmun
of Aspire Education Group seeking the views of Black parents/careers, teachers and teaching assistants and educators. This survey is an important and unique opportunity to help assess the impact of Covid 19 lockdown on African and Caribbean children's educational development.
The results of the survey will be shared publicly and your personal support and assistance would be greatly appreciated.
Parents and carers survey link: bit.ly/aspire-parents-carers-survey
School Staff link: bit.ly/aspire-school-staff-survey
For more info contact: info@aspireeducationgroup.com
Warm regards
Lee Jasper

For more info contact: info@aspireeducationgroup.com
Warm regards
Lee